Religion and National Identity in Iraqi Kurdistan

The Kurdistan Region of Iraq emerged as a de facto state in the aftermath of the First Gulf War. The main incidents that led to the end of Baath rule in Iraqi Kurdistan were the 1991 popular uprising against Saddam Hussein’s regime and the ensuing enforcement of “no fly zone” by the US and its allies. After a decade of weak autonomy marred with the blockade imposed by Saddam Hussein, humanitarian crisis, and internal rifts, the region was totally relieved from the pressures of the Baath regime in 2003. The years between 2003 and 2014 were marked with huge economic growth, political stability and growing international as well as popular support for Kurdistan. 

The unsuccessful ISIL attempt to seize Erbil in 2014 triggered a downturn in economic prosperity. This was followed by deepening of disagreements on oil revenue sharing between Kurdistan Regional Government in Erbil and the Iraqi Federal Government in Baghdad. Tensions reached a peak with territorial disputes soon after Kurdistan's independence referendum that took place in September 2017. After a brief military friction, the disputed oil rich city of Kirkuk was taken over by the central government, causing a major strategic and symbolic blow against Kurds.

Kurdistan Region of Iraq stands as a sympathetic story among the Western audience at all levels. For the media and civil society, the story of Kurds features the struggle of world’s largest stateless nation to leave behind decades of tragedies and injustices. For the policy makers; Kurdistan is a rare Muslim majority entity that maintains friendly ties with the West, a stable oil producer, and a security partner in containing potential threats and combating terrorism.

One of the key characteristics of Kurdistan that facilitates such amicable image is its secular structure although it has a deeply traditional Muslim majority. There is almost no introduction about Kurdistan that does not praise its secular system and the diversity of faiths it hosts. Kurdistan’s Ministry of Endowment & Religious Affairs officially recognizes eight faith communities and has granted each an official representative capacity. Such inclusiveness pertains to ethnic divisions as well. Turcoman, Arab, Assyrian, Armenian communities enjoy political, cultural, linguistic freedoms  protected under Kurdistan Regional Government laws.

Kurdistan’s secular orientation is to a considerable extent an outcome of its modern national identity formation. The literature on nationalism notes that national identity formation includes elements, discourses and symbols that not only define the agent but also help differentiate it from others. Located in the heart of the Muslim Middle East, and particularly on the geographic peripheries of Muslim Turkish, Arab, Persian imperial centers, Kurdish nationalism expresses almost no religious motivation in its discourse. This is evident, for example, at first sight when observing the Kurdish flag.

The primary Kurdish characteristic of the flag is the golden sun emblem at the center. The sun emblem has a religious and cultural history among the Kurds, stretching into antiquity. The sun disk of the emblem has 21 rays, equal in size and shape. The number 21 holds a primary importance in the native Ezidi religious tradition of the Kurds.(www.institutkurde.org)

Similarly, the Kurdish national anthem, Ey Reqib, includes a line saying “our religious faith is our homeland”. Such wording has been deemed disturbing by some religiously sensitive Kurds. Some Islamic groups and Islamist parties have been critical of it and refused to accept the anthem because of the “heretical” statement that replaces or equates faith with national land.

Another tenet of national identity that the literature highlights is shared memory. In fact, history teaching is a political act no less than being a pedagogical one. The collective memory of Kurdish people hosts almost all typical nation building elements; symbols, dates -like Nawruz-, heroes, places and tragedies. As for tragedies, it is important to note that almost all calamities of Kurds in the modern age have been incurred by fellow Muslims. Moreover, although religion determined the basis of one’s identity under Ottoman Millet system, it has lost its identity reference status in the post-Ottoman era. The four countries dominating the historical Kurdistan (Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey) resorted primarily to ethnicity in defining modern citizenship, a policy which excluded Kurds either directly or indirectly. Therefore religion has not been a boundary defining instrument neither in popular Kurdish narrative nor in the Kurdish national movements.

Kurdistan’s secular character is not limited to politics nor administration. Since the First Gulf War in 1990, and particularly the fall of Baath regime in 2003, the region has been exposed to impressive economic growth. The impact of the economic boom has transcended economic boundaries and transformed the society by exposing it to the secular global popular culture through social media, communication technologies, entertainment, fashion, urbanization and other forms of consumerism. In a related vein, Kurdistan is frequently highlighted as a regional pioneer in girls’ education, upholding women rights and women activism. The region is also praised for hosting a wide variety of political organizations, NGOs and media enterprises. In other words, Kurdistan has a predominantly secular social landscape as well.

Photo taken in Sulaimani, December 2015. Globalization?...Secularization?...Nationalism?...or all?

This background clarifies that there are strong global, political, cultural and historical dynamics that promote, favor and support the idea of secularism in Kurdistan. This interestingly coexists with the fact that Kurds are one of the earliest adherents of Islam. Except for a small Shia population, they have been known with their loyalty to Sunni school. Although day to day personal observation of religious duties is not widespread, it can be argued that Kurds are traditionally and culturally anchored to their Islamic faith. However especially since ISIS has emerged, some Kurds are expressing interest in their pre-Islamic faith Zoroastrianism and even arguing that embracing Islam has resulted in exploitation, oppression and enslavement of Kurds for ages.

Faith is an integral element in the story of the Middle East, Kurds being no exception. The interplay between secularizing dynamics and religious ones within Kurdistan will probably be one of the curious subjects of inquiry in the coming years.