Skip to main content

Turkey: From an army with no people, to a people with no army


Modern Turkey is an exceptional case as it was allowed to maintain a massive armed force despite having lost a World War. The explanation to this special treatment lays in a consensus between the country's early elites and their Western counterparts. While Turkish elites guaranteed a secure southern flank to the Western club, the latter agreed to provide vital defense infrastructure as well as financial aid and to limit its democratic expectations to the minimum level. Hence, Turkish Armed Forces was able to interrupt democratic procedures at home as long as it remained loyal to certain international security engagements with the West.

At the international level, the deal worked well for both sides. The young republic's early alignment with the West and the ensuing NATO membership bestowed Turkey a whole 20th century without a major war. This was a true gift given decades of Soviet threat in Turkey's north as well as highly vengeful and unpredictable Baathist regimes in its south. As for the Western alliance, it beared the invaluable capacity to contain Soviet and Middle Eastern threats.

At the domestic level however, one can claim a mixed success at best. The international primacy given to the Turkish army played a key role in its disproportionate influence and involvement in politics, particularly through military interventions. In addition to its political clout, the army also enjoyed economic and judicial autonomy to an extent that violated universal democratic standards. Furthermore, acting as the guardian of an aggressive form of secularism positioned the army into a highly despicable image in the eyes of Turkey's peripheral but politically ambitious conservative masses.

It is quite telling that from 1960s on, intellectuals of Turkey's conservative stream usually likened the army to the Ottoman Janissary corps and the military coups to the frequent and violent Janissary revolts. The core idea in such analogy is that just as the Janissaries were an elite army of converts with no real connection to the people, Turkish Armed Forces was viewed by many as mentally foreign and even hostile to its own people, particularly towards their religious values. It was an army with many privileges and unchallenged power, but with no people.

Just as the legendary elite corps were exterminated by Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 during what he named the "Auspicious Incident"; a dramatic historical de ja vu took place on July 15th 2016,  this time termed as "A Gift from God" by Erdogan, resulting in extermination of modern Turkish army. The two incidents have a long list of striking similarities. To note one, in 1826 Bosphorus was the execution scene of many Janissary troops and their corpses floated on the water for days, while the Bosphorus Bridge was where unarmed sodiers were slaughtered in an almost ritualistic form of savagery by AKP militia in 2016.

The most important similarity though, is the very fact that in both cases the ruler of the country used accumulated hatred to get rid of a political veto actor and a societal balancing actor at the same time. Mahmud II eliminated the Janissaries who stood against his substantial centralization agenda and  he also criminalized the Bektashi sufi order which enjoyed considerable social influence and possessed large estates. In the "A Gift from God" version, Erdogan curbed the moderate wings of the army that opposed military adventures in the Middle East and iron fist policies against Kurds. He also skilfully used the coup attempt as a pretext to advance his Islamist agenda of erasing the Hizmet Movement's peaceful version of Islam from Turkey's social fabric while confiscating the Movement's multi-billion dollar assets.

With the recent assignments to take effect in late August, most of Turkish Armed Forces' key command posts have been handed to hardliner Eurasianist generals. These are officers who stood trial in the Sledgehammer case, were found guilty of attempting a coup, but were later on acquitted and released by Erdogan controlled judiciary as he needed new allies to dodge the corruption cases of December 2013 that implicated his son and ministers. The recent assignments came after a massive crackdown resulting in the purging of more than 10.000 military officers since the failed coup attempt of July 15, 2016. Just a brief look at the professional credentials especially of high level purge victims leaves no doubt that Turkish army has systematically been deprived of qualified human capital after the deal struck between Erdogan and Eurasianists. As a result, sadly, the pendulum in Turkey's bitter story has moved from one extreme to the other: Now it is a country with no army to rely on.

The Auspicious Incident was followed by huge demise for the Empire. Mahmud II's legacy can be summarized as a centralized state on one hand and humiliating military defeats on the other. Just trying to connect the dots listed above, Erdogan's Turkey seems to be on a similar trajectory: a refortified statism with neither any restraint to prevent a military tragedy in the Middle East nor any interest whatsoever to embrace Kurds at home, an explosive combination of shortages indeed.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Kürt Diasporası

Genel bakış Anavatanı fiziki olarak terk etmek otomatik olarak diaspora olunduğu anlamına gelmiyor. Fakat bir Kürt diasporası oluğuna kuşku yok. Literatürde genişçe ele alınmış olan diaspora karaktersitik özellikleri Kürtlerin tecrübesine uygulandığında karşımıza çok net bir diaspora fotoğrafı çıkıyor: zorla yerinden edilme anavatana dair kollektif hafıza yeni vatanda yaşanan yabancılık ve ayrımcılık anavatana dönüş miti anavatanın ihyası ve başarısı için çaba ulus-aşırı sosyal ağlar Kürt diasporası ağırlıklı olarak 20. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında ortaya çıkmış olan nispeten genç bir diaspora. Dünyanın en kalabalık devletsiz diasporası olarak nitelendiriliyor. Başta Almanya olmak üzere büyük oranda Avrupa’da yerleşmiş durumda ve çoğunluğunu Türkiye Kürtleri oluşturuyor. Kendi içinde siyasi eğilim, yaşam tarzı, eğitim, sosyoekonomik statü ve dindarlık açısından  geniş bir çeşitliliğe sahip. Bununla birlikte, Öcalan’ın yakalanması, Kobani ve Afrin olaylarında görüldüğü gibi önem...

"Bedelli" Askerlik

Bedelli askerlik için 600 binden fazla başvuru oldu. Türk-İslam Sentezi'nin ve onun beslediği milliyetçi popülizmin altın çağını yaşadığı bir dönemde ulaşılan bu rakamı ilginç bir bilimsel veri olarak not edip konunun bir başka yönüne dikkat çekmek istiyorum. Erdoğan oldum olası nüfus meselesini önemsiyor. Durmadan yaptığı üç çocuk çağrısı malum. Gelgelelim dini bir saikle yapıldığı görüntüsü veren bu çağrı ile aslında kibarca ucuz yedek parça isteniyor. Çünkü Türkiye'de hakim olan düzene düşük maliyetle oylarını, sadakatlerini, beyinlerini, din anlayışlarını ve hayatlarını dolgu malzemesi olarak kullanabileceği bir kitle lazım. Düşük maliyetle diyorum çünkü ülkede dönen muazzam yolsuzluk çarkından bu en alttaki % 20'lik kitlenin payına sadece saray ulufeleri ve parti teşkilatı yardımları düşüyor. Karşılığında ise oy veriyorlar ve ucuz işgücü olarak kullanılıyorlar. Çok acı ve pahalı bir alışveriş doğrusu. Son bedelli yasası ile kışlaların yükü de tamamen bu kesimin ç...

Turkey's Crisis: A Brief Background

Middle East dictators came to power after monarchs or colonial administrations. The social-political landscape was devoid of any mechanism to stop them. To the contrary, it provided a welcoming atmosphere for one man rule. Whereas in Turkey, Erdogan took charge of a functioning democracy -despite all its flaws- when he was elected in 2002. Turkey was already an EU candidate; with a diverse media, dynamic society and thriving business sector. How in the earth was that possible? The Ottoman legacy Turkish people have lost an empire and the trauma runs very deep.  The humiliating feeling of defeat dominates the average Turkish mindset. Erdogan’s neo-Ottoman, revivalist discourse aims exactly at this sense of loss and the longing for regaining the glory of the imperial Golden Age. In the cases of Germany and Japan, the shock of the defeat in a World war and losing imperial domain was rehabilitated through a shared effort by the winners abroad and a moderate leadership ...